At a Glance

First Term Wins 

Establishment of a National Anti-Corruption Commission

Establishing a federal integrity commission was a core pillar of my 2022 election platform, backing in the previous advocacy of existing independents and after sustained pressure from the crossbench, and particularly from Helen Haines MP, the Government finally acted. In late 2022, the National Anti-Corruption Commission (NACC) was legislated into law. After years without a federal watchdog, this was a historic and long-overdue win for accountability in Australian politics.

But I’ve been clear-eyed about its flaws. I was disappointed the Government bowed to Coalition pressure and made it harder to hold public hearings, limiting transparency when it matters most.

And since its establishment, the NACC has been far from perfect. In particular, its troubling initial decision not to investigate the Robodebt scandal, one of the most egregious failures of government in recent memory. This decision was subsequently reversed following an investigation by the NACC Inspector, an institutional safeguard established following crossbench advocacy.

That’s why I’ve been vocal in calling out these failures, urging the Commissioner to consider stepping aside, and calling for broader reform to restore public trust in this crucial body.

The creation of the NACC was a step forward, but we can’t stop there. I’ll keep pushing to bring greater integrity to politics.

Stopping jobs for mates in appointments to the Administrative Review Tribunal (ART)

In late 2023, I successfully negotiated amendments to ensure that appointments to the Administrative Review Tribunal (ART) are made on merit, not political favour.

For too long, appointments to key decision-making bodies have been plagued by political patronage, undermining public confidence and the quality of decisions that affect people’s lives.

The amendment means that:

• Appointments must be based on merit and expertise
• The process is more transparent and accountable
• The ART can operate with greater professionalism, impartiality, and integrity
  

This is about restoring trust in the system and making sure Australians get fair, independent decisions from their institutions. I’ll keep fighting to clean up politics and defend the integrity of our public institutions.

Ensuring accountability in disaster relief funding

When disaster strikes, communities deserve support that’s timely, fair, and effective, not delayed or distributed based on politics.

In mid-2022, I successfully negotiated stronger accountability measures in the way disaster relief funds are distributed through the Disaster Ready Fund.

These reforms ensure:

• Greater transparency in funding decisions
• Relief goes where it’s most needed, not just where it’s politically convenient
• Disaster-affected communities get help faster

This was about putting people first and making sure disaster response is driven by need, not political considerations.I’ll keep working to make sure no community is left behind in a crisis and that public money delivers real support on the ground.

Shining a light on our broken lobbying laws and fighting for reform

Australia’s lobbying laws are broken. They give vested interests an outsized voice in our democracy, while ordinary people are left in the dark. It’s undermining public trust in our political system.

That’s why I fought to get support to establish a Senate Inquiry into Australia’s lobbying rules and put this issue on the national agenda and force real scrutiny of a system that’s been allowed to fail for too long.

For the first time in years, lobbying in Canberra is being examined under the spotlight of public accountability.

Here’s just some of the evidence the inquiry heard:

• Around 80% of lobbyists aren’t even covered by the current Lobbying Code of Conduct
• There are no real penalties for unethical behaviour; even for repeat breaches
• In-house lobbyists for major corporations like fossil fuel and gambling companies operate with no transparency at all
• Secret sponsored passes give privileged access to Parliament and the public has no way of knowing who gets them, or why
• Ministerial meetings go undisclosed, even when they shape billion-dollar decisions
  

I’ve pushed hard for:

• A legislated Lobbying Code of Conduct with real penalties
• An independent regulator with teeth
• Expanded definitions that cover all lobbyists, not just third-party consultants
• Publication of ministerial diaries and the names of passholders lobbying MPs
  

I’ve also sought to lead by example by proactively publishing on my website a list of every person whose pass I have sponsored.

We cannot rebuild trust in politics while secret influence remains unchecked. This Senate Inquiry was just the start and I’ll keep fighting until lobbying in Australia is transparent, accountable, and in the public interest.

Using the power of the Senate to increase transparency & accountability

One of the most powerful tools the Senate has is the ability to order the production of documents (OPDs). These orders work to promote transparency and hold the government to account.

Since being elected, I’ve made full use of this power. I’ve moved dozens of motions to compel the release of documents in the public interest. And while the major parties too often collude to keep information hidden, on nearly 20 occasions I’ve successfully won Senate support to uncover what Australians have a right to know.

These efforts have delivered greater transparency on issues like:

• Gambling reform and industry influence
• Carbon offset schemes and climate integrity
• Tax reform and who really benefits
• Government procurement and spending
• Housing policy decisions
• Lobbying and access in Parliament House
  

This work has exposed serious failings, triggered public debate, and helped deliver real policy change.

I believe democracy works best in the sunlight. I’ll keep using every tool available to make sure governments can’t hide decisions that affect us all.

Standing with whistleblowers and giving them a voice

Since being elected, I’ve been approached by numerous whistleblowers. People with the courage to speak out about corruption, malpractice, and mismanagement. I’ve worked hard to support them, connect them with legal advice, and use my voice in Parliament to expose wrongdoing.

Where necessary, I’ve used parliamentary privilege to bring critical information into the public domain. One example is when a whistleblower came to me with allegations that Santos had covered up a significant oil spill off the coast of Western Australia, linked to the death of marine life, including dolphins. I tabled the documents in the Senate. As a result, Santos was fined, and there was accountability at the board level. You can read some of the details of what happened in this ABC investigation.

This is what whistleblowers do: they defend the public interest. But too often, they’re left isolated, vulnerable, and without real protection. I’m calling for changes that will fix our broken whistleblower laws (see below) and I’ll keep using my role in the Senate to give whistleblowers a voice.

Data sharing on road safety 

In February 2024, I secured a major breakthrough: road safety data transparency is now tied to $50 billion in federal road funding.

That means states and territories will be required to share detailed crash data as a condition of receiving Commonwealth funding, a huge step toward making our roads safer and our infrastructure spending smarter.

For too long, road funding has been driven by politics, not evidence. This reform will:

• Shine a light on where crashes are actually happening
• Ensure funding is targeted based on real need
• Help reduce road deaths and serious injuries by guiding better investments
  

It’s a big win for transparency, safety, and accountability and a clear example of how smart policy can save lives and I’ll keep fighting for reforms that cut through the spin and deliver outcomes that matter.

What I’m Fighting For

Establishing a Whistleblower Protection Authority

Whistleblowers are essential to a healthy democracy, yet for decades, those who speak out have been punished, not protected.

In early 2025, I introduced a Private Senators’ Bill to establish an independent Whistleblower Protection Authority. This long-overdue body would provide a single point of support for whistleblowers, ensuring they get the advice, protection and oversight they need.

The Authority would:

• Support whistleblowers through every step of the process
• Ensure disclosures are investigated and acted upon
• Monitor and respond to retaliation
• Strengthen accountability across government and business
  
  

The need is urgent. Whistleblowers like Genie-Marie Blake (Robodebt) and Richard Boyle (ATO) have paid a huge personal price for doing the right thing. Others come to my office using parliamentary privilege as a last resort, risking their jobs and safety to expose wrongdoing.

This reform is backed by legal experts, integrity advocates and fellow crossbench MPs including Andrew Wilkie, Helen Haines and Jacqui Lambie.

Whistleblowers shouldn't need to be heroes. They should be protected by law.

Fixing our broken whistleblower protection laws

When whistleblowers expose corruption, human rights abuses and systemic failures, they make Australia a better place. But too often, the law punishes whistleblowers for speaking up.

Despite three decades of reform, Australia’s whistleblower protections remain virtually unenforceable. Under our faulty federal laws, only one Australian whistleblower has ever received compensation for the harm they suffered. Most whistleblowers face retaliation, job loss, or legal threats, so many never speak up at all.

The system is broken, which is why I’m calling for urgent reform to fix our laws and protect the people who protect the public.

We must:

• Introduce strong, consistent whistleblower protections across the public and private sector, with clear pathways for speaking up safely and lawfully.
• Establish an independent Whistleblower Protection Authority to provide support, oversight and enforcement (see above).
• Ensure whistleblowers have access to legal advice, protection and redress, including a reverse onus of proof when whistleblowers suffer reprisals
  

Australians who do the right thing should be protected, not punished. I’ll keep fighting to ensure they are.

Reforming electoral laws to protect and strengthen our democracy

In early 2025, Labor and the Coalition colluded to ram through the biggest changes to electoral laws in 40 years. It was a backroom deal designed to entrench their own power and shut out independents and minor parties.

The changes funnel over $80 million in extra public funding to the major parties every election, while making it harder for independents and minor parties to compete.

I strongly opposed this stitch-up and I’ll keep fighting to fix it and deliver real electoral reforms that strengthen our democracy and deliver for Australians.

In mid-2024, I co-introduced the Fair and Transparent Elections Bill with Kate Chaney MP and other crossbenchers. It would:

• Regulate the use of generative AI and deepfakes
• Introduce truth in political advertising
• Deliver fair, transparent elections that build trust
  

Our democracy belongs to all of us, not just the major parties. We need reform that improves transparency and creates a level playing field, not a backroom stitch-up.

Reforming broken lobbying laws to restore trust in parliamentary institutions

Right now lobbyists walk the halls of Parliament largely unchecked, shaping decisions behind closed doors while everyday Australians are left in the dark. That has to change.

Alongside Dr Monique Ryan MP, I introduced the Lobbying (Improving Government Honesty and Trust) Bill 2025, a bold, long-overdue reform to bring real transparency and accountability to the lobbying industry in Australia.

Australia's lobbying laws are a joke:

• 80% of lobbyists in Canberra are not even covered by the current Code of Conduct.
• In-house lobbyists, like those from Santos, Qantas, and the Minerals Council, don’t have to register, don’t follow any code of ethics, and face zero penalties for misconduct.
• Even if you’re considered a ‘lobbyist’ The current “penalty” for serious breaches? A three-month timeout. That’s not integrity — that’s farce.
  

What the bill will do:

• Expand the definition of "lobbyist" to include in-house lobbyists, industry associations, and consultants with access to decision-makers.
• Legislate the Lobbying Code of Conduct and introduce real penalties for breaches.
• Quarterly online reports showing who lobbyists are meeting with, for how long, and why.
• Public ministerial diaries, so the public can compare, cross-check and verify lobbying disclosures.
• Independent oversight by the National Anti-Corruption Commissioner.
• Ban ministers and senior staff from lobbying for three years after leaving office.

These reforms aren’t radical, they’re common sense. Countries like Canada and the UK already do this, and more. It’s time Australia caught up.

Restoring public trust in the National Anti-Corruption Commission (NACC)

The National Anti-Corruption Commission (NACC) was created to bring integrity and accountability to federal politics. But the decision not to investigate the Robodebt scandal (despite a Royal Commission confirming unlawful conduct and systemic failures) has seriously damaged public trust.

The circumstances of that decision, including the refusal to release legal reasoning, raise real concerns about transparency and accountability.

That’s why I’ve called for:

• The threshold for public hearings to be lowered to provide greater transparency and rebuild public trust
• The statutory review of the NACC to be brought forward
• The Attorney-General to appoint an Acting Commissioner to investigate Robodebt
• The NACC Commissioner to step aside, to restore confidence in the Commission’s independence and judgment
  

Australians deserve a NACC that’s fearless, transparent and above politics. One that holds powerful people to account and doesn’t shy away from investigating government failure at the highest levels.

I will continue fighting for a stronger, more effective NACC. One that lives up to the promise of integrity in federal politics. You can read more about my position on this here and here. 

Regulate AI to seize opportunity and protect democracy

Artificial Intelligence is already transforming how we live, work, and govern. It offers huge opportunities, from cutting emissions and boosting productivity to revolutionising healthcare and manufacturing. 

But without strong, proactive regulation, AI also poses serious risks. From job disruption and algorithmic bias to deepfakes and political disinformation, AI has the potential to erode public trust, increase inequality, and undermine democracy.

By 2030, up to a third of Australian jobs could be automated. At the same time, AI is being deployed in policing, hiring, and decision-making,  often without transparency or oversight.

Australia needs to act now.

That’s why I’m calling for:

• A comprehensive AI regulatory framework
• An independent AI safety authority, modelled on international best practice
• A legislative ban on AI-generated deepfakes in elections until the technology can be properly regulated
• Watermarking and labelling of AI-generated content
• Urgent copyright reform to protect Australian creators
• Investment in education and retraining to prepare workers for the AI economy
  

AI is a huge technological shift. We must shape it to serve the public good, not just corporate profit.

Let’s lead on innovation and protect democracy while we do

Fair parliamentary resources for crossbenches to represent our communities

As a crossbench Senator, I work hard to scrutinise legislation, propose amendments, and represent the ACT. But parliamentary resources that would allow me to do this are inadequate.

Unlike the major parties, crossbench Senators don’t have equal access to drafting resources. While the Senate Procedure Office does excellent work, it is chronically under-resourced, making it difficult to draft amendments quickly, especially when major bills are rushed through Parliament.

This has real consequences. Without proper drafting support, it becomes harder to improve legislation or push for changes that reflect the will of the community.

I have also advocated for a fairer system for allocating staff to members of the crossbench. Currently this power is exercised solely at the Prime Minister’s discretion and we’ve seen that power politicised to both reward and punish. I have pushed for staffing allocations to be set separately and will also continue my advocacy to have the Department of Parliamentary staff covered by the Parliamentary Workplace Support Service.

If re-elected, I will push for:

• Increased resourcing for the Senate Procedure Office
• Fairer support for crossbench Senators working to improve legislation
• An independent allocation of parliamentarians’ staffing resources
• A Parliament that values debate, scrutiny, and independent voices
  

Canberrans expect their Senator to show up, do the work, and get results. I’m committed to doing that, and I’ll keep pushing for the tools to do it properly.

Fund the Australian National Audit Office (ANAO) and protect accountability

The Australian National Audit Office (ANAO) plays a critical role in exposing waste, rorts, and government mismanagement, but it’s being starved of the resources it needs.

From sports rorts to misconduct at the Passport Office and improper conduct in Defence procurement, the ANAO has uncovered serious failures that would have otherwise gone unnoticed. In 2022 I campaigned for better resourcing for this important safeguard. While the government previously provided a small one-off increase to funding,  the most recent budget cut ANAO funding by $4 million, forcing it to scale back its work. It had planned to deliver 48 performance audits this year, but will publish only 44.

Even worse, the Albanese Government is forecasting fewer audits than were delivered under the Morrison Government. That’s unacceptable. Without proper funding, the ANAO cannot meet its full work program and we all lose out. Fewer audits means less oversight, fewer checks on spending, and fewer opportunities to expose waste and corruption.

I’m calling for a substantial funding increase for the ANAO to ensure it can deliver full, independent scrutiny of government spending and performance. Australians deserve transparency, value for money, and accountability. Let’s make sure the ANAO has the resources to do its job.